Does political gridlock undermine checks and balances? A Lab Experiment
Resumen:
Strong checks on the executive are aimed at protecting citizens from the government abuse of power. However, citizens have supported the loosening of these checks in many countries and periods. We present a simple model where citizens may remove the controls on the executive even when this allows rent extraction. Citizens' decision is triggered by a political gridlock, that is, a situation where an executive proposing a reform is blocked by a conservative legislature. We test the main predictions of the model in a lab experiment. We nd that political gridlocks raise the probability that subjects in the experiment choose to weaken checks and balances. This result is partially consistent with the predictions of our model: subjects weaken controls in response to a political gridlock not only when the reform is bene cial, which is the predicted result, but also when it is harmful, which rejects our model prediction. Consistent with the model predictions, we nd that the probability that subjects weaken controls is lower when rents are high. Finally, we compare neutral and political framing |with rents identi ed as \costs" in the former and \corruption" in the latter|, and nd that the probability that subjects choose to weaken checks and balances is lower in the political framing.
Fuertes controles al poder ejecutivo tienen por objetivo proteger a los ciudadanos del abuso de poder. Sin embargo, los ciudadanos han apoyado el debilitamiento de estos controles en mucho países y períodos. En este artículo presentamos un modelo en el cual los ciudadanos pueden decidir remover los controles al poder ejecutivo aun cuando esto permita la extracción de rentas. Esta decisión se desencadena cuando hay una paralización política, esto es, cuando el poder ejecutivo propone una reforma que es bloqueada por un poder legislativo conservador. Testamos las principales predicciones del modelo en un experimento de laboratorio. Encontramos que la paralización política aumenta la probabilidad con la cual los sujetos eligen debilitar los controles. Este resultado es parcialmente consistente con las predicciones del modelo: los sujetos debilitan los controles en respuesta a una paralización política no sólo cuando la reforma es beneficiosa -el resultado que el modelo predice-, sino también cuando es perjudicial -lo que contradice la predicción del modelo. Consistente con el modelo encontramos que la probabilidad de que los sujetos debiliten los controles es más baja cuando las rentas son altas. Finalmente, comparamos dos marcos de presentación del problema, uno con un fraseo neutral y el otro político (con las rentas identificadas como costos en el primer caso y como corrupción en el segundo), y encontramos que la probabilidad con la cual los sujetos eligen el debilitamiento de controles es más baja en el marco de un fraseo político.
2019 | |
Política Separación de poderes Controles y contrapesos Experimento de laboratorio ECONOMIA |
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Inglés | |
Universidad de la República | |
COLIBRI | |
https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12008/23418 | |
Acceso abierto | |
Licencia Creative Commons Atribución - No Comercial - Sin Derivadas (CC - By-NC-ND 4.0) |
Sumario: | Strong checks on the executive are aimed at protecting citizens from the government abuse of power. However, citizens have supported the loosening of these checks in many countries and periods. We present a simple model where citizens may remove the controls on the executive even when this allows rent extraction. Citizens' decision is triggered by a political gridlock, that is, a situation where an executive proposing a reform is blocked by a conservative legislature. We test the main predictions of the model in a lab experiment. We nd that political gridlocks raise the probability that subjects in the experiment choose to weaken checks and balances. This result is partially consistent with the predictions of our model: subjects weaken controls in response to a political gridlock not only when the reform is bene cial, which is the predicted result, but also when it is harmful, which rejects our model prediction. Consistent with the model predictions, we nd that the probability that subjects weaken controls is lower when rents are high. Finally, we compare neutral and political framing |with rents identi ed as \costs" in the former and \corruption" in the latter|, and nd that the probability that subjects choose to weaken checks and balances is lower in the political framing. |
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